Again as we ate breakfast a bomb went off. Today it was downtown – too far away for us to hear, but one of Hamayon's cousins called to tell him. The target was a police academy bus. News reports stated that a remote controlled bomb in the bus killed thirty to thirty-five police cadets, but the word on the street was that there may have been as many as sixty killed – it is hard to know who to believe.
I immediately thought of a friendly young American man I spent several hours chatting with while stuck in line in the Dubai airport waiting for the plane to Kabul. This young American told me he was a graduate student in 2001 when he decided to enlist in the military out of a sense of patriotism after 9/11. Without elaborating the details, he stated that during a tour of duty in Afghanistan he soon realised he had made a big mistake. At the first opportunity he took his discharge and returned to graduate school, but an offer of employment from a friend who worked for the military contractor Dynacorp was too good to refuse. He found himself back in Afghanistan, but this time training police cadets. I asked him if he had any police training himself and he admitted he had none. But being young, single and smart he could make great money in Afghanistan. Such are the opportunities for mercenaries in Afghanistan.
Hamayon and I had planned to go to the Canadian embassy after breakfast, but the location of the bombing was between us and the embassy and traffic was backed up in all directions. The first taxi driver we approached refused to head in that direction afraid of getting stuck in traffic, but another told us he knew a way around. Unfortunately, he misunderstood where our destination was, but he got us close enough, nonetheless, and provided a tour of a part of the city I hadn't seen before.
The Canadian embassy is like none I have seen anywhere else – it is surrounded by an earthen fortress typical of a military installation not an embassy. While most embassies in the neighbourhood of Wazir Akbar Khan are typical of what you would expect to see in Ottawa – a gated mansion with security guards – the American, British and Canadian embassies are impregnable fortresses.
After passing through three checkpoints on the road leading into the embassy, we were admitted to a cramped security office. Here we were processed through an intensive security protocol – our bags were searched and I had to turn on my laptop and all my cameras and then these were taken away for storage until our departure. An armed guard then accompanied us to a second building where we spoke to a receptionist through a bullet-proof glass partition. So much for the friendly face of Canadian diplomacy – although to her credit, the receptionist was as friendly as one can be talking through the kind of partition I would expect to find in a prison.
I registered my presence in Afghanistan, but our request to speak to someone on the embassy staff was met with an unassuring promise of a phone call if anyone should become available before my departure in a month. I have my doubts we will receive a phone call. We had hoped to get a list of current Canadian development projects so we could visit these to see what progress if any is being made, but it seems there is no such list that can be provided by the receptionist at least. By some reports, every Canadian journalist and official who visits Afghanistan is taken to the same two locations – a school and a health clinic in Kabul both funded by the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA).
We spent the afternoon visiting hotel lobbies downtown trying to find a faster internet connection than those available in the internet cafes. The best deal we could find was at the Mustafa Hotel where they offer wireless internet access for the day for $5 US and beer for $3 – not a bad package deal compared to $10 for 2 hours at the Safi Hotel.
Like many countries, there are parallel economies here. A room in one of the downtown hotels where journalists and foreign officials stay can cost as much as $200 per night. The Mustafa, a popular hotel for less affluent foreigners, offers $20 rooms, but they are abysmally cramped and share a bath between ten rooms – not much of a deal compared to our reasonably comfortable and spacious, but horribly dusty $20 suite in a hotel catering to Afghani businessmen. Hamayon reasons we are much safer staying in Afghani hotels, because if there is a change in insurgent bombing tactics, the foreign hotels downtown might become targets.
Kabul, Monday 18 June 2007
The plan today was to meet with one of Hamayon's cousins to take some background shots of one of the war damaged neighbourhoods in Kabul in the morning and then meet with a Pashto interpreter to interview refugees at a camp not far from our hotel for the afternoon.
Our first stop was in the neighbourhood of the Russian cultural centre near Deh Mazang. The Russians built elaborate theatres to bring Russian culture to many occupied cities and Kabul is no exception. A bombed-out shell is all that remains of what was obviously once a grand theatre.
It is remarkable how people have adapted and rebuilt what they can with the materials at hand. Shops and restaurants are neatly tucked into every niche of the destroyed buildings along many of the streets. I spent some time wandering around taking videos and photos accompanied by Hamayon's cousin, while Hamayon made phone calls sitting in an improvised tea shop in the lobby of a cinema that was otherwise completely destroyed.
Hamayon was unable to contact our Pashto interpreter, but he did make an important appointment; however, on the condition that he come alone.
I decided to travel with Hamayon's cousin to West Kabul and the Darulaman Palace. The palace is familiar to Canadians as the backdrop to almost every news broadcast and photograph emanating from Afghanistan while the Canadian Forces used it as their base of operations in Kabul. You might recall Peter Mansbridge standing in front of the shell of the Darulaman Palace anchoring the CBC News live from Kabul.
As we approached the palace, we noticed a sternly worded sign stating no photography is allowed by order of the Canadian Forces and that transgressors will be detained and their photographic equipment confiscated.
But some Afghan soldiers stationed in a former Canadian lookout post told us no one bothered to remove the signs and we could take photos of anything we wanted.
The palace grounds offer an unobstructed vantage point overlooking West Kabul – an obvious location to situate an observation post. West Kabul, stretching from the palace across several kilometres to where our hotel is located in Koteh Sangi, was one of the most devastated neighbourhoods in battles first between the American supplied Mujaheddin and Soviet troops in the 1980s and then between the Mujaheddin and the Taliban in the 1990s.
We hoped to pass through the former Camp Julienne, the fortress built by the Canadian Forces, which is now an Afghan army base, to access the Kabul Museum that lies on the other side. However, we were stopped at the gate by otherwise friendly Afghan soldiers who offered us tea as recompense for not allowing us passage through the base.
The Kabul Museum is equally as impressive as the Darulaman Palace in its architecture and its location on another hill opposite the palace, but it was not a favourite background of the Canadian war correspondents, because it remains largely intact. Despite the integrity of its structure, its collection was gutted. The museum's collection of ancient art – reputedly one of the greatest in Asia – was looted by the Mujaheddin, some say to fill orders placed by American and European art collectors. The Taliban are said to have destroyed most of what was left as part of their program of religious cleansing.
Instead of taking the long walk around the military base just to see a now empty museum, we decided to head back to the hotel by walking part of the way along a thoroughfare lined with small shops and catch a minibus or cab when one eventually passed by. Along the way we passed a small health clinic with a hand-painted sign advertising the clinic was funded by CIDA. Perhaps this is the famous health clinic where people more important than us pose for their photo-ops. Next door to the CIDA project is a secondary school advertising it is supported by the Japanese government aid agency.
I'm reminded of observations made by Michael Ignatieff in his book Empire Lite, published in 2003 when he was an American academic, not a Canadian politician. This is the book in which he claims America is too weak, so he advocates for the American empire to become more militarily forceful in order to exert its imperial superiority around the world. Ignatieff states, "the only help that counts in Afghanistan is troops." He adds accurately, if rather cynically:
The rhetoric about helping Afghanistan stand on its own two feet does not square with the hard interest that each Western government has in financing, not the Afghans, but its own national relief organizations. These fly a nation's flag over some road or school that a politician back home can take credit for. American foreign assistance concentrates on food aid in part because it sops up US farm surpluses. The unpleasant underside of nation-building is that the internationals' first priority is building their own capacity – increasing their budgets and giving themselves good jobs. The last priority is financing the Afghan government.
I have repeatedly stated that Ignatieff does not have the guts to stand on a stage anywhere in Canada and state what he honestly expressed to an American audience in Empire Lite; the Western forces – NATO, ISAF and the American coalition – are in Afghanistan to fight for the expansion of the American empire. By incredible coincidence, on the day before I departed for Afghanistan, I happened to be performing music at an event in Etobicoke – Ignatieff's riding – when to my surprise he showed up to make a speech. As expected, he made a patriotic speech stating that Canadian soldiers in Afghanistan are bravely defending us all from terrorists – my band-mates almost had to physically restrain me from responding.
After having tea at the Koteh Sangi roundabout, I bid Hamayon's cousin goodbye and proceeded to walk the short distance back to the hotel. This was the first time I had walked anywhere unaccompanied since my arrival in Kabul.
I was pleasantly surprised to realise that without an escort people felt compelled to talk to me. I had only walked a few steps when a group of men in a make shift tea shop set up on the sidewalk invited me to join them for tea. I tried to refuse, but they begged me to join them. With about a dozen words of English between them and my three in Dari we had quite a stimulating conversation. The shop operator refused to take money for my tea and only asked that I take some photos of him and his patrons.
Upon excusing myself from this friendly group, I only walked a few more steps when a man greeted me in English and struck up a conversation. He told me he learned English in Pakistan where he was a refugee for fifteen years.
He has only recently returned to Kabul, but fears he may have made a mistake in coming here. He says he was astounded on his arrival by how little development the Western states have accomplished since the invasion of 2001.
As the current security situation deteriorates, many factions in addition to the Taliban seem to be gearing up for a fight against the Western forces. He is thinking he may return to Pakistan despite the expense of moving yet again. I was so engrossed by our conversation that I didn't realise until I turned to leave that we had attracted a crowd of people around us, each of whom greeted me before I left.
I am constantly reminded during my visit of the truism that the people of Afghanistan are renowned both for their hospitality to guests and unyielding resistance to invaders.
Kabul, Tuesday 19 June 2007
The news late yesterday reported civilian deaths throughout Afghanistan. In the south, at least sixty and possibly as many as one hundred civilians were killed in the crossfire of a battle between NATO and Taliban forces. In the east, seven young girls were killed in an American air attack on a mosque.
The local news reports state that the American coalition air command failed to inform Afghan National ground forces of the attack just as they have repeatedly failed to coordinate with the Afghan army in the past. The Afghans claim the American air attack against the mosque full of civilians was without cause.
We had an eight AM appointment to record an interview with Qasim Akhgar, a prominent intellectual and editor of one of Kabul's daily newspapers. But because of the news of civilian deaths yesterday, the BBC wanted to get to Qasim first. We waited our turn in a pretty garden in the courtyard behind his office, which gave me an opportunity to become more familiar with the camera, which, because of our shoestring budget, we were only able to purchase a day before my departure. It is too bad Alex, our film-maker, cannot be here, because I'm sure he could handle the technical aspects of filming better than me.
Qasim Akhgar graciously provided us with a long interview. He was visibly upset about the recent civilian deaths caused by the Western forces here in Kabul and in the other provinces. Qasim told us that he initially supported the American-led invasion, but he has since changed his mind. He told us that he resisted the Soviet occupation in the 1980s and paid the price of prison time and then exile. Dramatically in our interview, he stated that he now believes the occupation by the Western forces is worse than the Soviet occupation ever was. He believes that after almost six years of occupation, people are becoming increasingly frustrated by the lack of development.
While the Soviets at least ensured the people were fed and provided with medical care and education, according to Qasim, and essential infrastructure and even some non-essentials such as theatres were built – the current occupation has failed to meet minimal standards of care for the people. The arrogance and lack of respect for the Afghani people shown by the occupation forces and the impunity of these forces, compounds the growing feelings of resentment among Afghanis, in Qasim's opinion.
After lunch, we set up our camera in a sidewalk café outside the Kabul University hoping to interview passers-by. The students and workers that stopped to talk to us offered a wide range of opinions. Some students support the occupation, but qualify their support with regret for what they consider unavoidable civilian losses. A larger number of students and workers we interviewed are opposed to the occupation. Some of these people complain that the development aid promised has never materialised. Others analyse the situation as an imperial occupation of Afghanistan aimed at controlling Afghanistan's neighbours China, Pakistan, and Iran, as well as Afghanistan's near neighbour Russia. Some people had very personal reasons for wanting to see the western forces out of Afghanistan, such as one young man who told us his friend was killed without reason by ISAF personnel.
Seeing no benefits for Afghanis from the occupation, most people we interviewed want an end to the Western occupation despite the power of the Taliban in some regions of the country.
We attracted a crowd around our camera and we were concerned several times when police came by to check us out. But our concerns proved unfounded. We asked one police officer, who had been watching us for a considerable length of time, if he would agree to be interviewed. He replied that he had much to say about the occupation, but he expected no one would believe him because he wears a police uniform and collects a pay cheque from the state. I thought that Kabulis might be afraid to honestly speak their minds while he and other police officers watched, but the police presence did not seem to intimidate anyone.
We plan to continue interviewing people on the street here in Kabul and elswhere in this way for a number of days. By the time we are finished we should have a substantial sampling of public opinion.
Kabul, Wednesday 20 June 2007
I turned on the BBC World Service this morning just in time to catch one of their correspondents in Kabul report that the bombings in Kabul on Saturday and Sunday indicated Al-Qaeda style suicide bombers probably using explosives supplied by Iranian sources. This seems a rather preposterous propaganda statement.
Neither bombing could have been suicide attacks. The attack on the ISAF convoy was a remotely detonated mine, according to local reports – there was no sign of a suicide bomber. The explosion on the police academy bus, according to our source, had to be an inside job, as the explosives must have been planted underneath the bus floor throughout most of its length to have so completely destroyed the bus. No suicide bomber could possibly carry enough explosives to have caused so much destruction.
There is, however, propaganda value in stating these are Al-Qaeda style suicide bombings and that there is an Iranian connection to the explosives.
If these are not suicide bombings, but instead more sophisticated remote control bombs, it means that there are well organised insurgent forces operating within Kabul, which ISAF and the Karzai government do not want to admit. Moreover, if the insurgents are not blowing themselves up, they can go on to fight again. Claiming these insurgents are suicide bombers absolves the government and ISAF of their responsibility to catch the supposedly now dead bombers.
Claiming the explosives are supplied by Iran is also useful propaganda. Allegations of an Iranian network supplying arms to both Iraq and Afghanistan have been growing in recent months in American and recently British news sources. In addition to Iran's other alleged transgressions against the Western powers, evidence of an Iranian arms supply network could offer further support for action against Iran.
While Iran undoubtedly has an interest in seeing the Western forces pull out of Afghanistan, this does not lead to a clear case that Iran is supporting the Taliban. Iran has never had good relations with the Taliban at the best of times and was often openly hostile engaged in border skirmishes during the Taliban regime. The Shia Persian majority of Iran and the Sunni Pastuns of the Taliban have been enemies since the invention of the Taliban.
According to Ahmed Rashid – one of the most noted experts on the ethnic clashes of the region – during the Taliban regime in the 1990s, the Iranian state supplied weapons to the Northern Alliance – the same Northern Alliance that was backed by the US to overthrow the Taliban in 2001. Today, as in the past, Taliban arms are supplied primarily by arms networks in Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and Dubai – all longstanding US allies. The US and Saudi Arabia each supplied 4 billion US dollars in official military aid to the Mujaheddin in the 1980s, according to Rashid. Many of the weapons these 8 billion dollars purchased, as well as the weapons the Soviets left behind in their retreat were commandeered by the Taliban and are still in use. There is no shortage of weapons in Afghanistan.
Hamayon spent much of the day in meetings negotiating permission for interviews and safe passage to some of the areas we hope to visit. For obvious reasons, some people in vulnerable situations are unwilling to meet with me until assured of our objectives.
In the evening we went to the home of one of Hamayon's cousins for dinner.
This was a wonderful chance to relax, enjoy conversation with new friends and experience some of the traditional food and culture of Afghanistan.
Kabul, Thursday 21 June 2007
Thursday in Afghanistan is like Friday – the end of the workweek. The week ended with a Taliban statement released to the BBC. A Taliban spokesperson states they will adopt the tactic of Al-Qaeda style suicide bombs to target ISAF in Kabul. Whether this is a propaganda statement by either side or is a genuine promise that will come to pass remains to be seen. We have always been taking the precaution of not traveling during the morning and evening rush hours and avoiding obvious targets as much as possible, so this will not change our plans substantially. •
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